Au cours des vingt dernières années, l’évolution des politiques économiques au Nord comme au Sud a été marquée par la mise en place de processus de libéralisation. Selon les contextes institutionnels, la libéralisation peut prendre des formes très contrastées. Au Costa Rica, suite à l’adhésion du pays à l’OMC, la libéralisation de la filière haricot a été très marquée, du fait d’une protection tarifaire basse, alors que celle de la filière lait n’a pas été effective, du fait d’une protection tarifaire élevée, notamment.
Les exigences du marché s’accentuent progressivement avec la mise en place de systèmes de normes et de certification destinés à garantir la santé du consommateur, le droit des travailleurs, et limiter les impacts négatifs sur l’environnement. La production d’ananas dans le nord du Costa Rica est plus particulièrement concernée par la loi américaine sur le bioterrorisme et les normes EUREPGAP issues du secteur privé européen.
Note de synthèse du rapport réalisé par la commission Agriculture et alimentation (C2A) de Coordination SUD. Il met en lumière les enjeux d’une adaptation des agricultures familiales aux changements climatiques sous l’angle des politiques publiques à partir de l’étude de cas des politiques mises en place au Costa Rica, au Niger et au Vietnam.
La agricultura familiar de los países del Sur constituye uno de los sectores más directamente afectados y amenazados por los cambios climáticos. La cuestión de la adaptación, y en particular, la de la adaptación de la agricultura, ha ido ganando terreno en el transcurso de la última década en las agendas políticas nacionales e internacionales.
Droughts are causing severe damages to tropical countries worldwide. Although water abundant, their resilience to water shortages during dry periods is often low. As there is little knowledge about tropical drought characteristics, reliable methodologies to evaluate drought risk in data scarce tropical regions are needed.
This chapter explores the interrelationships between economic change and environmental issues, by showing how aspiration, education, and migration are variously connected to a loss of agroecological knowledges for rural young people. It reviews a series of case studies from Vietnam, India, and China on the implications for rural youth of changed aspirations and ecological and economic stress. The economic and cultural pressures of globalization mean young people increasingly aspire for a life outside of agrarian- and natural resource-based livelihoods.
Participatory approaches have been discussed as alternatives to and complementary elements of more conventional research on sustainable land use and rural development in upland areas of Southeast Asia. Following a brief overview of the history of participatory approaches (Sect. 9.1), this chapter discusses the potential and limitations of applying Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) tools to field research practice in Vietnam (Sect. 9.2) and of involving stakeholders in priority setting, modeling and environmental valuation in the Southeast Asian uplands (Sect. 9.3).
The general aims of this chapter are to provide an overview of the historical development of rural advisory and knowledge provision in Vietnam, and how legal frameworks have changed over time, demonstrate how more client-centered extension approaches can be translated and utilized at the field level, and focus on examples of novel approaches to knowledge generation and diffusion, those currently evolving due to initiatives driven by state, private and NGO actors, or developed within the framework of the Uplands Program.
This paper asks: What have been the impacts of farmer- or community-led (informal) processes of research and development in agriculture and natural resource management in terms of food security, ecological sustainability, economic empowerment, gender relations, local capacity to innovate and influence on formal agricultural research and development institutions?
Competing models of innovation informing agricultural extension, such as transfer of technology, participatory extension and technology development, and innovation systems have been proposed over the last decades. These approaches are often presented as antagonistic or even mutually exclusive. This article shows how practitioners in a rural innovation system draw on different aspects of all three models, while creating a distinct local practice and discourse. We revisit and deepen the critique of Vietnam’s “model” approach to upland rural development, voiced a decade ago in this journal.